Guest Visionaries - Sir Geoffrey Owen
Sir Geoffrey Owen is former editor of the Financial Times and author of
From Empire to Europe: The decline and revival of British industry since the
Second World War (1999). He is currently Senior Fellow at the Institute of
Management at the London School of Economics.
In this contribution Sir Geoffrey tackles the question (raised in
Section 7 of the Key Questions zone) of
the extent to which the explanation for the global competitive advantage of
firms lies at the national level rather than the firm level.
Country-Specific Factors in the Future of the
Telecommunications Industry
How important is the national environment in determining competitive
advantage in high-technology industries?
Nokia's extraordinary success over the past few years derives in part
from the fact that its home country, Finland, together with its Nordic
partners, was one of the first to develop a cross-border mobile telephone
network. This "early mover" advantage, created by government policy, gave Nokia
a platform on which its management was able to build. Similarly, Vodafone's
position as the world's largest mobile telephone operator has its origins in
the Thatcher government's decision - taken earlier than in other European
countries - to deregulate the British telecommunications network. Operating in
a competitive domestic market gave Vodafone experience which it put to good use
as it built up its activities outside Britain.
The difficult question in these and other cases is to establish how much
weight should be given to country-specific, as opposed to firm-specific,
factors as the determinants of corporate success. Another way of approaching
the issue is to look at companies which were disadvantaged by their national
environment in the past, but later rose above those disadvantages to establish
a world-leading position. In this context the current situation at the British
company, Marconi - formerly the General Electric Company (GEC) - is of
particular interest.
Until the mid-1990s GEC was widely regarded as an also-ran in the world
market for telecommunications equipment. There was speculation that it might
withdraw entirely from this business in order to concentrate on its largest and
most profitable division, defence electronics. Since 1996, however, the company
has undergone a remarkable transformation. Following the retirement in that
year of GEC's long-serving managing director, Lord Weinstock, the new
management team decided that the best hope for profitable growth lay in
telecommunications, and that all the company's energies must be devoted to that
end.
The defence electronics business was sold to British Aerospace (now BAE
Systems), and the proceeds were used to finance several large acquisitions of
US telecommunications equipment companies. The subsequent change of name to
Marconi - drawing attention to Britain's pioneering role in radio
communications a hundred years earlier - was intended to symbolise the change
of strategy. It also served the useful purpose, made all the more important by
the company's growing presence in the US, of eliminating confusion with
America's General Electric Company (GE).
The reasons for GEC's earlier decline in telecommunications have been
the subject of numerous studies. Most commentators agree that a major factor
was the failure of the Post Office, between the 1950s and the 1980s, to forge a
stable and constructive relationship with its three main suppliers of exchange
and transmission equipment, GEC, Plessey and Standard Telephones and Cables
(STC). As the dominant purchaser, the Post Office was in a position to shape
the relationship in whatever way it thought fit. In practice, however, it
veered uneasily between the desire to promote competition among the suppliers
and the need for cooperation, especially on projects which were too big for any
one of the three companies to undertake on its own. Unlike their Japanese
counterparts, the British authorities were never able to find the right balance
between cooperation and competition.
These problems were compounded by some bad technical decisions,
starting with the premature leap into electronic telephone exchanges in the
1950s. This setback was followed by several years of argument between the Post
Office and the suppliers over the relative merits of the intermediate
"crossbar" system and of the semi-electronic exchanges which came to be known
as TXE-2 and TXE-4. Then, in the 1970s, came the decision to launch System X, a
fully electronic system which was designed to modernise the British network and
to re-establish the British equipment suppliers in export markets. But System X
was dogged by technical and managerial problems, and, by the time it entered
service in Britain in the early 1980s, other companies, including Alcatel in
France, Siemens in Germany and Ericsson in Sweden, were already selling their
own electronic exchanges overseas. System X was a late entrant in a crowded
market, and it never achieved the export breakthrough that had been hoped for.
The Post Office, which was converted into British Telecom in 1981 (and
privatised three years later), dropped STC from the System X programme, and the
two remaining suppliers joined forces in 1988 to form GEC Plessey
Telecommunications (GPT). A year later GEC and Siemens made a joint take-over
bid for Plessey, and in the subsequent reshuffle of assets Siemens acquired a
40 per cent stake in GPT.
From the start this looked to be an unstable partnership - GPT was both
a competitor of Siemens and heavily dependent on the German company for
technological support - and there was speculation in the closing years of Lord
Weinstock's tenure as managing director that he might sell GEC's 60 per cent
shareholding in GPT to Siemens.
In the event Weinstock's successors took the view that, despite the
disappointments of the 1980s and 1990s, GEC had sufficient technological and
financial strength to re-establish itself in the world market for
telecommunications equipment. Their first step was to buy out Siemens's 40 per
cent stake and to merge GPT with Marconi Spa, an Italian subsidiary which,
somewhat independently of the rest of GEC, had developed unique technology in
optical and digital switching systems. Then came two major purchases in the US
- Fore Systems for $4.2bn and Reltec for $2.1bn - the main purpose of which was
to position GEC in the fast-growing market for internet switching equipment.
Further acquisitions followed, including MSI, a UK software house specialising
in wireless network consultancy and planning, and the public networks division
of Robert Bosch in Germany. Marconi's clearly stated aim was not only to catch
up with its European competitors, but also to lift itself into the same league
as Cisco, Lucent and Nortel in the US.
Is the fact that Marconi is based in the UK an advantage or a
disadvantage as it pursues its new strategy, or has geographical location
become irrelevant in what is now a global industry?
The domestic environment is certainly less important as a determinant
of international competitiveness than it was in the "old" telecommunications
industry, when companies like GEC and Alcatel derived the bulk of their
business from a single local monopolist. Export performance during those years
was crucially dependent on how the national telecommunications authorities
handled their procurement policies. Now these privileged links have largely
ceased to exist, and suppliers are operating in a more open market. Yet there
are at least two ways in which domestic conditions could still make a
difference.
One relates to government policy in telecommunications. According to a
recent American study, the UK currently offers a more favourable environment
for the development of the internet and of e-commerce than, for example, France
or Germany. One of the UK's advantages, the authors argue, is a much more
liberal regulatory framework - a consequence of the Thatcher government's
liberalising policies, which have not been reversed under "New Labour". If, as
the US study suggests, internet and e-commerce grow faster in Britain than in
other parts of Europe, this will create opportunities for Marconi to build up
its business in switching equipment.(1)
A second country-specific factor is the strength of the science base,
and here, too, the UK is well placed. If Marconi is to fulfil its ambitious
goals, it will need to develop a technological advantage, and this will
require, not only investment in its own research laboratories, but also close
collaboration with academic scientists. The company's recent decision to set up
a new research centre in Cambridge suggests that this factor is being given
considerable weight in its planning. This does not, of course, preclude similar
relationships with universities in the US, but Marconi is a British company
with a long history of working with British universities; that is a heritage on
which the present managers of the company seem eager to build.
Michael Porter, in his studies of international competition, introduced
the concept of a global platform. "A country is a desirable global platform in
industry if it provides an environment yielding firms domiciled in that country
an advantage in competing globally in that particular industry"
(2). For most of the postwar
period the UK was an undesirable global platform for manufacturers of
telecommunications equipment - hence the decline in Britain's share of world
exports. Now the domestic environment looks very different. Whether Marconi
succeeds or not will be dependent primarily on firm-specific factors - in that
sense globalisation has made differences between nations less significant - but
country-specific factors seem likely to play an important supplementary
role.
To illustrate my argument I have relied mainly on British examples.
Taking advantage of the interactive nature of the TelecomVisions.com website,
however, I would be interested to hear comments from others about the relative
importance of the national and firm levels in explaining the future global
competitive advantage of firms.
(1) Rudy Baca, The building blocks
of growth in the new economy, Legg Mason Precursor Group, Spring
2000.
(2) Michael E. Porter (ed),
Competition in global industries, Harvard 1986, p39.
If you wish to comment on Sir Geoffrey's contribution, please go to
Area 5 - Miscellaneous (including
Guest Visionaries) of the Workshop zone.
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